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Douglas o el jeep con el que recorre con su amada Kathleen Turner trepidantes. Seres indefinidos con la misma apariencia y las mimas vestimentas que los familiares muertos regresaron estancados en la viva imagen de las personas fallecidas.
De las apariciones de Jacob, Caleb y Rachael se ha pasado a la masiva llegada de cientos como ellos. Omar Epps es Martin Bellamy. Frances Fisher es Lucille Langston.
Al verle empieza a creer en el milagro. Kurtwood Smith es Henry Langston. Padre de Jacob. Simbolismo y contenidos religiosos Arcadia.
Matt Craven es el Sheriff Fred Langston. Mark Hildreth es Tom Hale. Es el pastor del pueblo que se ve obligado a poner a prueba su fe ante la llegaba de Jacob.
Posteriormente Arcas es resucitado por Zeus. El color de la fuerza y de la vitalidad. Lo llevan tanto Jacob en su sudadera y Caleb en su gorra de beisbol en el momento de su regreso.
Jacob era nieto de Abraham y fundador de las 12 tribus de Israel, en consecuencia, padre del pueblo israelita. Una pena porque puede dar.
Que ya es decir. Con una totalidad. Como siempre, un paisaje muy variopinto de personajes y personalidades.
Mas bien todo lo contrario. Refleja de una forma tan sencilla como puede ser un proyecto escolar todos los grandes males que han perseguido a las personas de siglo en siglo, de cultura en cultura: avaricia, egocentrismo, vagancia, violencia….
Seguramente no. The reburial in St Petersburg next February of the remains of Tsar Nicholas and the slain imperial family will certainly provide the authorities with plenty of opportunity for playing on royalist nostalgia and ascertaining how deep a chord that sentiment can still strike.
It is more likely, however, that Yeltsin or-just conceivably-some other representative of the current ruling circle-will resolve to fight and win presidential elections by stealing some of the ideological clothes worn by Zyuganov, Lebed and all the other politicians who blame the president for toadying to the west and breaking up the Soviet Union.
Before embarking on his crash programme of industrialisation and collectivisation, Stalin took the precautionary step of neutralising all his associates who had previously favoured that course of action: he wanted that political corner to himself.
The coming political showdown is unlikely to be so bloody or dramatic; but it is entirely possible that Yeltsin or someone else will simultaneously defeat Zyuganov and his party and adopt a large part of his programme.
One is the introduction of policies which explicitly promote the welfare of ethnic Russians, both inside and outside the Russian Federation; and the official acceptance of the principle that the break-up of the Soviet Union has left the ethnic Russians a divided nation, in the same way that Germany was divided in the aftermath of the Nazi defeat.
It would follow from this that Russians within their own state had a sacred imperative to break down the barriers that divide them from their 25m compatriots living in other ex-Soviet republics-an imperative no less urgent than the German quest for reunification.
It could also mean the advancement of territorial claims over areas adjacent to Russia-such as northern Kazakhstan or eastern Ukraine-whose population is predominantly of Russian origin.
The governments of both those republics have been forced-by dint of bloody local wars involving Russian and pro-Russian minorities-to accept that they have little hope of regaining control over their territory unless they deal cautiously with Moscow.
Any explicit proclamation that the Russian Federation belongs first and foremost to its ethnic Russian residents would mark an abrupt change from the principles which were proclaimed by Boris Yeltsin when he nursed the post-Soviet state into existence.
He appeared to be ushering into existence the first modern Russian state-with the possible exception of the provisional government of which made no distinction between its subjects on grounds of ethnic origin.
In Soviet times, the state was held together by the Marxist principle of proletarian internationalism, and an integrated economy was organised around the needs of heavy, defence-related industries.
Now Marxism is dead and heavy industry is in decline; hence there is a vital need for some other glue to hold the state together, some other basis on which to rebuild a mighty state.
His use of the word ethnos reflects the influence-possibly unconscious but more likely deliberate-of the Russian philosopher Lev Gumilyov, whose grand, all-embracing theory of history-an intellectual project as ambitious as that of Nietzche or Hegel-has become a kind of semi-secret cult in the upper echelons of the Russian establishment.
Gumilyov-the son of the poet Anna Akhmatova who died in after spending half his adult life in labour camps-viewed the ethnos or historically established nation as the principal motor of human development.
His influence is clearly discernible in the thinking of Zyuganov and the neo-communists. Recently, Gumilyov has gained adherents in the political mainstream.
Skokov and his kind are exponents of Muscovite statecraft in its purest and most ancient form: a tradition which regards no ideology-neither socialism, nationalism, internationalism, religion, atheism nor anything else-as set in stone, and judges every technique or principle by the same litmus: does it help or hurt the cause of Greater Russian statehood?
Throughout the communist period, pure Marxist ideology competed for influence with this older sort of statecraft, whose principle guardian within the Soviet state was the agency variously known as the Cheka, the GPU, the NKVD and the KGB.
To see the contrast between these two founts of power, it is only necessary to examine an issue which they approached in radically different ways.
Yeltsin himself is too much of a maverick to be a typical exponent of the Russian statecraft tradition, but many of his advisors belong to it, and he has an exceptionally well-tuned grasp of the realities of power, in whatever currency it happens to be defined.
But there was never anything immutable about his commitment to liberal democracy or western ideals such as equality before the law.
It is entirely possible, therefore, that he will now play the nationalism card, if that is what expediency now demands; and that he will align himself with the policies-with or without the personalities of Skokov and his kind.
For all the apparent passion and whimsy of Russian policy in recent years, its hard core has been characterised by hard, unsentimental pragmatism.
If the two countries succeed in amicably co-managing the end of their nuclear stand-off-and it is not yet certain that they will-the relationship looks all too likely to be overshadowed by bitter commercial and geopolitical rivalry in the areas where they developed expertise during the cold war: civil nuclear technology; space; the conventional arms market.
The fact that both parties in the nuclear arms race have slashed the amount of hardware they deploy against one another has made their respective arms industries more desperate than ever to sell their wares to third parties, from eastern Europe to the Indian subcontinent.
The brutal war in Chechnya was widely described in the west as not only immoral but irrational-the behaviour of a state which wilfully ignores its own best interests.
There are, however, signs that Russia is already capitalising on its precarious control of the Chechen flatlands in a way that presents a direct challenge to the US.
It became clear this month that most of the initial output from the oilfields under the Caspian Sea will pass through the heart of Chechyna-despite the ongoing efforts of the US to ensure that its ally Turkey provides the main route for the incipient bonanza.
This means that if the US ever slides back into confrontation with Russia, it is by no means certain that western Europe would readily follow its American leader.
Already, Russian officials can take satisfaction in the way they have manoeuvred the western nations into forgiving behaviour which they would scarcely condone from anyone else.
Most striking of all, the main elements of the Russian-western relationship remained intact despite a war in Chechnya which cost up to 20, lives.
The worst punishment Russia faced because of the Chechnya campaign was the suspension, for about six months, of a trade accord with the European Union; for Moscow, this was a price well worth paying when set against the strategic and economic importance of controlling the pipeline.
By throwing off the shackles of dogmatic communism, with its tiresome insistence on seeing international relations in class terms, and shoring up fraternal parties in distant places where Russia had no real strategic interest, Russian officialdom has been able to refine its prowess in the arts of statecraft and sheer expediency.
It has relearned the use of a whole range of instruments through which an objectively weak state can maximise its influence: moral blackmail, furious displays of anger, artificially provoked crises, and the presentation of an enticing image of a Russia where-in return for this or that concession -all would be sweetness and light.
Instead of condescending to Russia, or treating it as a delinquent, half-witted child which requires nothing but feeding and elementary instruction, the western nations will soon need to be honing their own diplomatic skills in the art of seeing through bluff, facing down threats and distinguishing the real from the false.
They are dealing with a country whose style of leadership seems at times to have no middle way between doddering incompetence and brilliantly conducted games of make-believe and brinkmanship.
Like it or not, the west faces a hard choice. Should it consolidate its influence in central and eastern Europe by broadening the Atlantic alliance?
It could also plunge those countries excluded from the first wave of Nato expansion into a de facto Russian sphere of influence.
Alternatively, should it concentrate on maintaining cordial relations with Russia, in the knowledge that Moscow will exact a higher and higher price?
But on past form, Russia will never make the mistake of sending such an unequivocal signal; it will do everything in its power to confuse the west and make the risks as difficult as possible to judge.
Moscow will keep the west guessing by hinting that if the desired adjustments are made in its strategy, the bear will immediately stop disturbing the forest and revert to a docile, purring slumber.
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Home Magazine Russian roulette The next few months could see the emergence of a new and altogether less predictable Russia.
Forthcoming Duma and presidential elections will see gains for nationalistic, anti-western politicians.